The morning the cease-fire in Gaza went into effect, masked members of Hamas’s military wing drove through the streets of Gaza in clean, white pickups, carrying Hamas flags and automatic rifles.
The militants were also carrying an unambiguous message: However weakened, Hamas survived Israel’s 15-month bombing campaign in Gaza and remains the most powerful Palestinian party in the territory.
Since the cease-fire started on Sunday, Hamas has been working overtime in an attempt to show it still controls Gaza, even after Israel killed thousands of its members and demolished its tunnels and weapons factories in retaliation for the Oct. 7, 2023, cross-border attack that killed an estimated 1,200 people.
Throughout the war, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel has vowed to eliminate Hamas, but he never offered a plan for a realistic alternative that could take control of Gaza, leaving behind a vacuum that the armed group filled.
Even for many residents of Gaza, however, the swift re-emergence of the fighters, some in official uniforms, was a surprise.
“They came out of hiding in a snap of a finger,” said Mohammed, 24, who requested his last name be withheld to avoid possible retribution from Hamas. “We had no idea where these people were during the war.”
Later on the first day of the cease-fire, dozens of Hamas militants turned up at Saraya Square in Gaza City to hand over three hostages to the Red Cross for release to Israel, the first of 33 to be freed as part of the deal. The appearance of the militants didn’t suggest they were on their last legs: They appeared to be wearing clean uniforms, in good shape and driving decent cars.
It is not clear just how many fighters, police officers, bureaucrats and political leaders survived the war or just where the militants had been hiding. But by showcasing the handover in such a public way, Hamas made clear that it was still standing in a part of Gaza that had seen some of the most devastating bombing attacks of the war.
“We’re talking about an area that was essentially plowed by the Israelis,” said Mkhaimar Abusada, a professor of political science from Gaza City who is now a visiting scholar at Northwestern University.
Israeli officials have said that they stand behind their goal of dismantling Hamas’s military wing and government, suggesting that they could resume the war after the remaining 30 hostages, of roughly 100 still held in Gaza, are freed over the coming weeks.
Despite its show of force, Hamas likely hopes to relieve itself of the daily burdens of administration and reconstruction of Gaza, but it wants any future arrangement for the territory to leave it as the top security power, and therefore, the main decision maker, Ghaith al-Omari, an expert on Palestinian affairs said. Hamas probably has to make some concessions to enable enough aid to enter Gaza for reconstruction.
Since the cease-fire, Hamas’s government has attempted to impose some sense of security, sending police forces to the streets, directing traffic, protecting aid trucks and offering a degree of law and order, residents say.
On Monday in Gaza City, a senior official in the Hamas-run Interior Ministry identified as Gen. Mahmoud Abu Watfa toured the city center in plain clothes as Gazan journalists took pictures of armed internal security forces participating in a procession.
“The picture is clear,” General Abu Watfa told a reporter. “The ones controlling security, protecting citizens and safeguarding the internal front are the forces of the Interior Ministry.”
Challenges are still evident. An official in Hamas’s internal security service, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss operational matters, noted that many security workers in Gaza City were using paper records instead of computers, and some were reporting to work at a bombed-out headquarters by foot because Israel had destroyed almost every police car in the city.
The bomb disposal unit in Gaza City, the official said, was struggling to defuse unexploded bombs.
“Hamas is much weaker than it was before Oct. 7,” said Michael Milshtein, a former military intelligence analyst specializing in Palestinian affairs. “But it’s totally clear that it can impose its sovereignty everywhere in Gaza.”
Municipalities in Gaza that coordinate closely with Hamas’s government have sent workers to clear rubble, remove piles of trash and survey damage to infrastructure. In Rafah, the municipal council convened a meeting in a tent outfitted with an official city flag, a desk and chairs, according to a post it shared on social media.
In an interview, Mousa Abu Marzouk, a senior Hamas official, crowed that Israel had failed to destroy Hamas. “They tried to uproot these people and they didn’t succeed,” he said. “They were steadfast on the ground for 470 days.”
Hamas, analysts said, was trying to make clear in its recent moves that it must have an influential role in discussions about the “day after,” referring to the future administration of Gaza.
“Their message to everyone is, ‘You can’t exclude us from the day after,’” said Mr. al-Omari, the Palestinian affairs expert.
Hamas leaders have indeed expressed readiness to give up civilian governance in Gaza, but without dismantling its military wing — a dynamic that would be similar to Hezbollah’s role in Lebanon before its last conflict with Israel.
The United States has said that a “revitalized” Palestinian Authority, which now has limited autonomy in governing the Israeli-occupied West Bank, should take over Gaza, but Mr. Netanyahu has rejected the idea. The authority governed Gaza until 2007, when Hamas forcibly took over in a coup after winning a majority in parliamentary elections.
On Sunday, Gideon Saar, the Israeli foreign minister, told reporters that Hamas’s rule was dangerous for Israel’s security and emphasized that Israel had not agreed to a permanent cease-fire deal that leaves Hamas in control of Gaza.
While some analysts say Israel could eventually remove Hamas from power, others say it would struggle to resume the war in the face of international pressure. And even if it does, those analysts say, Israeli forces would face immense challenges in uprooting Hamas from Gaza without carrying out a direct occupation.
In Gaza, supporters of Hamas said they felt reassured by its show of force this week. But many people without allegiances to the group worried that if it remained in power, they would be subject to its heavy-handed rule and that there would be another war, sooner or later.
“It may take Hamas time to reach a point where it will provoke Israel into another major war,” said Alaa, 28, who has been sheltering in Deir al-Balah, in central Gaza, and whose last name is being withheld to avoid reprisals.
“As long as it’s in power, it’s only a matter of time,” he added. “It’s hard to reach any other conclusion other than there’s no future here.”